The Trouble with Municipal-level Population Projections

Co-authored by Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath

Are people liquids or solids?

Trick question: they’re kind of both. This matters in terms of how we track people and project their location forward in time. There are basic demographic methods that effectively take people as solids. We can see where they are now. We can see how they’ve been moving recently. We can age them forward in time, including adding new little people and imagining older people dying off. And we can project forward how many people we’ll have in the future.

But people are also liquid. They slosh around a bit, but they eventually tend to settle downhill into the places where there are containers for them. Here our best bet in terms of projecting people’s location forward in time is to figure out the lay of the land and where the most likely containers are going to be located.

Sometimes our liquid and solid projections match up ok. But other times they don’t. Let’s make this discussion a little more solid by zooming in to take a look at a potential divergence in projections right here in Metro Vancouver.

When – if ever – will suburban Surrey surpass the population of the City of Vancouver?

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Age Disparity in Shelter Cost per Room

Co-authored by Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath

Residential floor space offers a common denominator for trying to standardize across a range of housing metrics (e.g. price per square foot). Unfortunately we don’t have it in the Census in Canada, but we can play around with rooms to get some pretty similar results. Here we investigate how shelter costs per room have changed over time, across various regions, and by age group to construct some comparable figures to those recently coming out of the UK.

Long story short: shelter cost per room has been getting more expensive, especially for young folks, and in those metro areas where we see the greatest housing shortages, and the age discrepancy mostly comes from older folks locking in past prices, especially as they transition into ownership.

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Housing is a Housing Problem

Co-authored by Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath.

The main housing problem in Canada is that there is not enough of it. We can see this by looking at prices and rents, but also by looking at people’s living arrangements and rates of doubling up. Doubling up is a direct measure of housing hardship that should get tracked on a regular basis. It also serves as an important compliment to traditional affordability metrics used in Canada that suffer from collider bias that makes it difficult to use them to track progress in solving housing problems. We also develop long timelines to track household formation and doubling up in Canada over the past 80 years to demonstrate the rapid undoubling during the first half of that time period, followed by a reversal to increased doubling up in most of Canada over the latter half.

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Metrics, Mechanisms, and Mismatch: Immigration and other Components of Housing Demand in Canada

Components of Housing Demand

Co-authored by Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath.

Housing demand from external migration receives outsized attention in the public discussion. We take a recent Statistics Canada report on housing consumption by immigrants and non-permanent residents as an opportunity to clarify underlying concepts. We also broaden the scope to decompose housing demand in Canada into several components and estimate their sizes to better understand where demand for housing comes from and what is needed to meet that demand.

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Housing shortage as an explanation for family and household change

Co-authored by Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath.

In our new paper “The new rules: housing shortage as an explanation for family and household change across large metro areas in Canada, 1981-2021” (Lauster & von Bergmann 2025) (preprint and replication code) we estimate the impacts of housing shortage on the substantial variation we see in family and household structures, both across large metro areas in Canada and across time, focusing on 1981 through 2021.

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Homelessness and Rents in Canada

Co-authored with Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted on MountainMath.

Evidence suggests a clear correlation between rents and rates of homelessness in the USA. The simplest interpretation is that housing shortages drive rents higher and leave more people falling through the cracks of our systems for distributing housing. That is, homelessness is a housing problem.

Do we also see this relationship in Canada? And if so, just how does it work?

Here we’ll attempt to pull together some Canadian data to address the first question and also look into the second.

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Distributional effects of adding housing

Co-authored with Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath

Who would benefit from dramatically expanding the supply of housing in the market? How would such an expansion address housing need? What non-market interventions would still be required to meet remaining need? How would it influence household formation and migration? This post is picking up where we left off on our housing targets post (von Bergmann and Lauster 2023a), grappling with the distributional effects of adding new housing to the market. To recap: one way of setting housing targets is to figure out how much housing municipalities would have if they weren’t actively restricting its construction. We can do that by estimating how much additional housing would be profitable to build. Setting that amount of housing as a target works to enable market mechanisms to bring housing supply in line with demand.

Our version of housing targets sets a (high) overall target number for net new housing, and that’s it. There are other versions of targets that attempt to more finely tailor numbers, keyed for instance to specific income bands. Here we explain why we think starting with an overall number is the right approach, insofar as adding housing has distributional effects across the entire system. It is generally understood that increasing the housing supply lowers prices of existing housing, all else being equal. What’s less clear are the systemic effects of adding housing and how even expensive new housing helps address underlying housing need. These broad distributional effects of reaching housing targets are what we want to address here.

TL;DR

Housing is good, and adding a lot more of it in the places people want to live would have broadly beneficial effects. Even if new housing tends to house (slightly) higher income households, the vacancy chain moves these households set in motion have systemic effects, freeing up housing all across the income spectrum. To illustrate, our housing targets are set to reduce the price of new housing by roughly 30% in Metro Vancouver. We estimate this would reduce rents by an equivalent amount, and holding households constant we can further estimate this would reduce the population experiencing Core Housing Need by around 35%. The annual monetary subsidy necessary to make housing affordable for all Metro Vancouver households would drop from $1.48bn to $0.68bn. We further refine this estimate by relaxing the assumption that households would remain constant, considering the effects of meeting housing targets on new household formation and net migration. Our estimates of Core Housing Need still decline, but not by as much. We also consider the effects of rent control on who benefits from a boost to housing supply. Finally we consider the implications of these distributional effects. Finely tailored housing targets can be misleading and counterproductive when they fail to account for distributional effects of adding supply overall.

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Tenure and Household Independence across the Life Course, 1981-2021

Co-authored with Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath

How does owning or renting relate to household independence across the life course? How have these relationships changed over recent history? We use Census data from 1981-2021 to check in on historical relationships between age, tenure, and household composition. From these we develop a couple of preliminary demographic metrics of housing frustration. Patterns suggest that frustration abounds.

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Migration and Housing Costs

Co-authored with Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath

New data supports a common theme: Housing costs seem to be increasingly important as a determinant of long-distance migration, adding to their traditional importance within short-distance moves. But there are still some interesting caveats. We have a look at the data, compare it to what we know of flows, and think through some of its perhaps unexpected implications.

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Housing Outcomes

(co-authored with Jens von Bergmann and cross-posted at MountainMath)

Almost everyone agrees that we have a housing crisis in Canada, and that it has gotten progressively worse over recent history. But there is a problem. The metrics most commonly used don’t reflect that.

TL;DR

Most commonly used metrics use existing households as the base of analysis, but households are a consequence of housing pressures. This kind of misspecification is a form of collider or selection bias that, especially in tight housing markets, misleads researchers toward faulty conclusions and policy recommendations. It blinds researchers to the struggles of people who are unhappy about their current household living arrangement, like young adults struggling to move out of their parent’s place or out of a bad roommate setup, as well as people who have left their desired region and moved away, or failed to move in, because of the lack of housing options.

This post explains the problem with analysis based solely on households in more detail, and explains why this will lead to incorrect diagnoses of our housing problems and misguided policy recommendations.

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